Time in Kathmandu:
New library adds
Charts and tables
Website on Nepal and Himalayan Studies
Results of Nepal’s parliamentary elections of 2017 (with some comparisons to the CA elections of November 2013, by K.-H. Krämer, Nepal Observer 44, 17 December 2017). See also result tables on all elections under Charts and tables! See also article in German: Wahlen zum föderalen Parlament und den sieben Provinzversammlungen, Nepal Observer 46, 12 January 2018
Dudh Kund (Womi Tso), 4.500m, north of Hewa, Solududhkunda Municipality 1, Solukhumbu, in December 2017
Nepal Research Videos
Nepal Research Languages
Nepal Observer (ISSN 2626-2924)
Human Rights Forum Nepal (HURFON)
The following trekking agencies are run by persons from Hewa (Solududhkunda Municipality 1) who invest a lot of time and money in the development of their village. By bringing tourists to Hewa, they contribute to improve the income of the villagers and to sustain the projects:
Himalayan Paradise Trek & Expedition (P.) Ltd.
P.O. Box 23304, Kapan-8, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Phone: +977-1-4823172, Cell: +977-1-9841212248
Website: http://www.himalayanparadisetreks.com, E-mail: firstname.lastname@example.org
Panorama Himalaya Trekking Pvt. Ltd.
P.O.Box: 25301, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Phone: +977-1-2297661, Cell: +977-1-9841426784
Website: http://www.panoramatrekking.com, E-mail: email@example.com , firstname.lastname@example.org
Annapurna Foothills Treks & Expedition (P.) Ltd.
Boudha Naya Basti 4, Kathmandu, Nepal.
Phone: +977-1-6211187, Cell: +977-1-98411579429
Website: http://www.annapurnatreksexpedition.com, E-mail: email@example.com
Press evaluations (daily):Biography
Abbreviations used in evaluations
Today's links on the crisis situation:
19/02/2019: Political roadblocks: Hurdles to prosperity are far more difficult to clear than seasonal economic distresses, by Achyut Wagle (kp), Chief ministers press for devolution of power: Provincial leaders blame federal government for held-up state affairs, by Binod Ghimire (kp), Federal affairs ministry renames five local units: Administrative centres of 7 federal units changed in Sudurpaschim (kp) [Under the federal system, this should be the task of the provincial government!!], Back to misrule: If Prime Minister Oli wants to make the country prosperous on the foundation of corruption and misrule, he will surely fail, by Nilam Sangroula (rep), Attorney general says CIAA can probe Pathak corruption case: Anti-graft agency sought the office’s opinion if laws allowed it to prosecute him, by Prithvi Man Shrestha (kp), ‘We, as a society, have kept quiet on sexual harassment, abuse and violence so far’: Issues of sexual violence must be included in public discourses to ensure equality for women (kp), Stop intimidation: What the intimidation tactic has done is given those in the opposition and the angry commoner a platform to hit back at the government (ht), An offer he couldn’t refuse: Self-censorship is dangerous (kp), Reconstruction conundrums: Labelling ‘fake victims’ doesn’t help, by Bina Limbu, Jeevan Baniya, Manoj Suji and Sara Shneiderman (kp), Engendering change: Women will be more visible in the political structure only once they are allowed to leverage power, by Avasna Pandey (kp), More reservation quotas sought for ethnic groups, by Jagdishor Panday (ht) [The text of the bill provides for a reduction!]
Wahlen zum föderalen Parlament und den sieben Provinzversammlungen, Nepal Observer 46, 12 January 2018 (in German)
Preliminary results of Nepal’s parliamentary elections of 2017 (with some comparisons to the CA elections of November 2013), by K.-H. Krämer, Nepal Observer 44, 17 December 2017
The political situation after local
elections in 6 of the 7 future provinces
Local elections, overdue for 15 years, finally have taken place in all but one of the future federal provinces. Elections in province 2 are still unsure though scheduled for 18 September 2017.
The run-up to the elections has been overshadowed by unrest among a number of political forces that resulted from the dissatisfying new constitution in 2015 as it had been forced through by the leaders of the three big parties. This unrest began with the blockade along the Indian border in the aftermath of the promulgation of the constitution and the dissatisfaction never really ended, especially among a number of Tarai forces.
According to the constitution, the new federal system has to be implemented before 21 January 2018, i.e. in less than 200 days time, including elections on all three levels of the new political system. This has put the ruling elite under enormous pressure after it already had wasted one and a half year for its traditional power struggles.
The current government led by Nepali Congress and CPN-MC had promised constitutional changes to the Tarai forces because the coalition was in need of their support to get into power. At the same time, they knew that they did not have the two-thirds majority in parliament that would have been necessary for such amendment. On the other side rejected the main opposition party, CPN-UML, restrictively all demands by the Tarai and Janajati forces, irrespective of their merit. Instead, they called for immediate local elections, something they had never talked about when their president K.P. Oli was Prime Minister.
Nevertheless have the elections mainly been peaceful. This reflects the people’s excitement to elect their own local representatives after twenty years. The results, so far, show a clear trend though evaluations are still incomplete: The CPM-UML must bee seen as the winner of these elections, at least with regard to the positions of mayors/chairs respectively their deputies in the municipalities respectively rural municipalities. This reflects several trends after 1990. In the last local elections of 1997, the CPN-UML had also been the winner. If one compares the elections after 1990, left forces have continuously grown in strength compared to the Nepali Congress, though this strength is relativised by the multitude of left parties. Until 1999, the CPN-UML had been the main profiteer of this trend. This changed in the CA elections of 2008 when the now CPN-MC entered the election process and even became the strongest party. Since then the CPN-MC suffered several splits and lost a lot of voters what was already proved in the CA elections of 2013. Main profiteer has once again been the CPN-UML. Different from the 2013 elections, the Nepali Congress is now only second strongest party behind the CPN-UML but far in front of its coalition partner CPN-MC. The ultra-conservative RPP, that stands for a return to monarchy and Hindu state and rejects the federal structure, has once again sunk into insignificance. But also other small parties hardly played any role. Some analysts interpret the election result as a signal that Nepal is on its way to become a three party system, especially against the background that a three percent hurdle for the upcoming parliamentary elections has already been decided.
Some analysts attribute the UML’s success to its stiff attitude with regard to the rejection of constitutional amendments and its pressure to hold local elections immediately. The latter may indeed have played a role. But the former argument cannot be proved since the Tarai and ethnic forces, that had vehemently called for a constitutional amendment ahead of the local elections, gave a picture of misery. Some of these forces had unified prior to the elections but they still were too numerous though they pretended to have common interests. Most of all, they were undecided if they should take part in the election until the very last moment. The newly formed Rastriya Janata Party Nepal (RJPN) even boycotted the first two rounds of elections.
This behaviour gives rise to doubts if these parties really represent the interests of Tarai and Janajati groups which without any doubt are still not really included in the new political system. Sometimes, one gets the impression that the power struggles within these Tarai and Janajati parties are not much different from those that take place within the three big parties for long.
Related to the local elections, one must say that these parties showed a lack of democratic understanding. By boycotting the elections or at least discussing such boycott, they robbed the members of those groups which they pretended to represent of any chance to get their interests represented on the local level. What, for example, is now the chance of the RJPN to have any say on the local level for the next five years? The party is in an offside position as it has refused to become legitimised by the voters.
Based on the coalition
agreement between Nepali Congress and CPN-MC of August 2016, NC
president Sher Bahadur Deuba assumed the office of Prime Minister from
Pushpa Kamal Dahal in early June 2017. According to constitutional
rules another new government will be formed in early 2018 after the
next general elections. But even one and a half month after his
election has PM Deuba, who failed as Prime Minister three times before,
not even formed his full cabinet. Important decisions are not taken.
There have to be elections to the provincial parliaments, the National
Assembly and the House of Representatives. All these elections require
numerous legal regulations and preparations. So, there is good reason
to doubt that all this will happen until January 2018.
(See full calendar with festivals)
Dictionaries:The dictionaries have been moved to the subdomain Nepal Research Languages
German-Nepal Friendship Association website
Nepal democracy: Gateway to Nepali politics
Centre for Constitutional Dialogue (CCD)
South Asia Democratic Forum (SADF)
Nepalmed e.V., Grimma (website in German and English)
Man Maya Med e.V., Verein zur Förderung Humanitärer und Medizinischer Hilfe
Nepalprojekt der Helene-Lange-Schule, Wiesbaden, now integrated into Childaid Network
Erdbebenhilfe Nepal des Vereins Lichtblick Nepal e.V.